Americans Revolt in Pennsylvania - New Battle Lines Are Drawn
by Thom Hartmann
The good citizens of Pennsylvania have done it again.
Back in 1776, they hosted at Liberty Hall in Philadelphia a gathering of people radicalized by the predations of the East India Company. The world's first multinational corporation then held a virtual stranglehold on commerce and politics in North America, and brazenly used British troops as its enforcers. On the first week of December, 1600, when she created the East India Company, Queen Elizabeth I became the first CEO monarch, and by 1776 King George II was following in her footsteps with his sizeable holdings in and open advocacy of corporate rule.
The American colonists were offended by the idea they should be vassals of a corporation and a kingdom that supported and profited from it. Thomas Jefferson wrote the Declaration of Independence, which explicitly stated that humans were born into this world endowed by their Creator with certain rights, that governments were created by humans to insure only humans held those rights, and "That whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it…"
Stating flatly that "it is their right, it is their duty," to alter their government and thus claim their unique human rights, 56 men defied the East India Company and the government whose army supported it by placing their signatures on the Declaration of Independence, saying, "with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor."
Thus began America's first experiment with democracy.
The first week of December of that same year, Thomas Paine wrote in a pamphlet he published a few weeks later that, "Tyranny, like hell, is not easily conquered… What we obtain too cheap, we esteem too lightly: it is dearness only that gives every thing its value. Heaven knows how to put a proper price upon its goods; and it would be strange indeed if so celestial an article as FREEDOM should not be highly rated."
Exactly 226 years later, another small group in Pennsylvania also met in early December to sign a document that claimed the same right - their duty - to alter their government in a way that would restore the democracy the original Founders were willing to fight and die for. The democratically elected municipal officials of Porter Township put their signatures to an ordinance passed unanimously on December 9, 2002. It reads, in part:
"A corporation is a legal fiction created by the express permission of the people…;
"Interpretation of the U.S. Constitution by the Supreme Court justices to include corporations in the term 'persons' has long wrought havoc with our democratic processes by endowing corporations with constitutional privileges intended solely to protect the citizens of the United States or natural persons within its borders;
"This judicial bestowal of civil and political rights upon corporations interferers with the administration of laws within Porter Township and usurps basic human and constitutional rights exercised by the people of Porter Township; …
"Buttressed by these constitutional rights, corporate wealth allows corporations to enjoy constitutional privileges to an extent beyond the reach of most citizens;
"Democracy means government by the people. Only citizens of Porter Township should be able to participate in the democratic process in Porter Township and enjoy a republican form of government therein;…"
And then, with an audacity and willingness to take on overwhelming multinational corporate power similar to that displayed by the Founders, the elders of Porter Township said that "Corporations shall not be considered to be 'persons' protected by the Constitution of the United States or the Constitution of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania within the Second Class Township of Porter, Clarion County, Pennsylvania."
It became the law of that land five days later.
In 1773, the East India Company had claimed the "right" to participate in the political processes of England and, with wealth and power greater than the average citizen, got passed for themselves a huge tax reduction on tea and an overall tax rebate so large they could undersell and wipe out their small Colonial competitors. The response of the entrepreneurial colonists to the Tea Act of 1773 was the Boston Tea Party revolt against that transnational corporation, setting the stage for the Declaration of Independence and the beginnings of what Lincoln called "government of the people, by the people, for the people."
Similarly, in 2000, one of the largest sludge hauling corporations in the United States sued Porter Township, claiming that as a "person" the corporation had rights equal to the citizens of the township, and therefore they couldn't "discriminate" against the corporation under the due process and equal protection clauses of the 14th Amendment, which was passed after the Civil War to free the slaves.
Porter Township, supported by a coalition including the Pennsylvania Farmers Union, the Pennsylvania Association for Sustainable Agriculture, The Sierra Club, the AFL-CIO, the United Mine Workers of America, Common Cause, the Program on Corporations, Law, and Democracy (POCLAD), the Community Environmental Legal Defense Fund (CELDF), and other pro-democracy groups, fought back. They bluntly asserted that - as it was from the founding of this nation until the bizarre Santa Clara County v. Southern Pacific Railroad Supreme Court case in 1886 - only humans are entitled to human rights in their community.
In the law they passed on December 9, 2002, they explicitly said, "The judicial designation of corporations as 'persons' grants corporations the power to sue municipal governments for adopting laws that violate the purported constitutional rights of corporations. For example, in September 2000, Synagro Inc. filed a federal lawsuit against Rush Township (Centre County) Supervisors, forcing the Township to spend tens of thousands of taxpayer dollars to defend its health-related sewage sludge testing ordinance against claims that the ordinance violated the corporation's constitutional rights."
The implications of this are staggering. For example:
Before 1886, it was a felony in most states for corporations to give money to politicians or otherwise try (through lobbying or advertising) to influence elections. Such activity was called "bribery and influencing," and the reason it was banned was simple: corporations can't vote, so what are they doing in politics? Their concern is making money, and they don't need clean air to breathe or fresh water to drink; leave them to making money and leave the administration of the commons to We, The People.
Before 1886, it was a crime in most states for corporations to own others of their own kind. The need to keep corporations from becoming so large that they could usurp democracy was so clear to the Founders that Jefferson and Madison proposed an 11th Amendment to the Constitution that would have banned "monopolies in commerce," restricting each company to performing a single purpose, making it responsible to its local community, and barring it from owning other corporations. The amendment didn't pass because everybody at the time knew that the states already had such laws in place.
Before 1886, only humans had full First Amendment rights of free speech, including the right to influence legislation and the right to lie when not under oath. Now corporations have claimed that they have the free speech right to influence public opinion and legislation through deceit, and a case based on a multinational corporation asserting this right is poised to go before the Supreme Court as you read these words. That corporation reserves the right to fire and even prosecute human employees who lie to it, however.
Before 1886, only humans had Fourth Amendment rights of privacy. Since then, however, corporations have claimed that EPA and OSHA surprise inspections are violations of their human right of privacy, while at the same time asserting their right to perform surprise inspections of their own employees' bodily fluids, phone conversations, and keystrokes.
Before 1886, only humans had Fifth Amendment rights against double jeopardy and the right to refuse to speak if they'd committed a crime. Since 1886, corporations have asserted these human rights for themselves: the results range from today's corporate scandals to 60 years of silence about the deadliness of tobacco and asbestos.
Before 1886, and following the Civil War, only humans had Fourteenth Amendment rights to protection from discrimination. Since then, corporations have claimed this human right and used it to stop local communities from passing laws to protect their small, local businesses and keep out predatory retailers or large corporations convicted of crimes elsewhere.
Porter Township has fired the first shot in the New American Revolution with this first binding law denying corporate personhood. It's a revolution that will be fought not with guns but in the courts, in the voting booths, and on the battlefield of public opinion. (Far from harming corporations, returning human rights solely to humans will lead to an entrepreneurial boom in America - only a small handful of very large corporations abuse these rights to deceive people, hide crimes, or make politicians violate the will of their own voters. The millions of ethical corporations will thus be freed from the tyranny of the few while democratic government will be returned to its citizens.)
As Thomas Paine - another Pennsylvania resident - wrote on that 1776 December night and published 2 days before Christmas, "Let it be told to the future world, that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive, that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet and repulse it."
Thom Hartmann is the author of "Unequal Protection: The Rise of Corporation Dominance and the Theft of Human Rights," a book containing a version of the above ordinance customized for each of the 50 states. www.unequalprotection.com. He holds the copyright to this article, but grants permission for reprint in print, web, and email media as long as this credit is attached.
Our Reliance on a 1911-based Communications Infrastructure Leaves Us Vulnerable
I want my tax dollars to buy me the best security possible while at the same time
maximizing the democratic nature of communications. Who should be able to communicate,
the many or the few? What point is there to a national security plan for a democracy that
substantially compromises the very democracy it is supposed to protect?
Let me suggest a "law" that I suspect will turn out to be true: A society of
cooperating cognitive radios trumps any configuration of dumb systems. Clearly we would
expect 2002 technologies to defeat 1911 technologies. Sticking with a 1911 technology
foundation for our critical infrastructures just does NOT make any sense what so ever. We
will agree, I am sure, that we have a clear and pressing obligation to minimize our
vulnerabilities as quickly as possible.
That is, I wager that the technical types can implement cooperating cognitive radio
systems that can defeat, jam or otherwise render useless, any dumb radio system currently
in place in either the civilian or military sectors. Now that the GNU Radio code, for
just one example, is released world wide, I further suspect that this ability to defeat
"classical" radio systems is now available to anyone who is interested. The horse is long
gone out of the barn. Closing the doors now is, of course, pointless.
The other side of the coin is that it is also probably equally true that the
technologists can design cooperating cognitive radio systems that will substantially
outperform existing "classical" 1911-base solutions on all critical design goals for
reliability, robustness, security and utility.
If my speculations are correct, then the implication is that the DoD, and indeed our
entire communications infrastructure, should make the switch to cooperating cognitive
radios, operating in a frequency independent fashion, as soon as possible. If I am right,
it would be a dereliction of duty and responsibility NOT to make this switch to ensure
that our communications infrastructure, both for our military and our democracy, is as
robust and as secure as possible.
My gut tells me that only the Open Spectrum approach allows us to achieve the seemingly
contradictory goals of building a communications infrastructure that maximizes BOTH
security and democracy. Clearly, the DoD's suggestion of an either or choice, as
described by John Markoff in his NY Times article "Limits Sought on Wireless Internet
Access", does not meet these criteria. As, however, the DoD's approach is pre-Open
Spectrum solutions, we have a solution today that escapes this false dichotomy. Open
Spectrum solutions, with frequency independence, supporting societies of cooperating
cognitive radios, can create a win win for both the DoD and the requirements of a modern
civil society based upon democratic principals.
I look forward to your comments.
– Jock Gill
Who could object to quality?
Actually, you do. You object to quality every time you buy a worse-but-cheaper brand, order from the top of the wine list instead of the bottom, or reject the "pro" version of some over-featured piece of software.
And you also object to quality of service every time you get righteously annoyed at the way the waiters fawn over the well-dressed couple while barely remembering to clean up your spilled root beer. And, most important, you object to quality of service when you're waiting on line and some perceived VIPs are served ahead of you because their quality of service degrades your quality of service.
That's at the heart of the current debate over Quality of Service (QoS) as the Internet begins to subsume other networks. In fact, David Isenberg (who saw a draft of this column) expands the analog: "Maybe you're pissed that they got in with no delay while you have to wait (delay). Maybe you're pissed because they can count on getting in right away, while you never know how long you might have to wait (jitter). And maybe you never get in, thanks to those VIP a**holes filling up the place (lost packets)." One person's Quality of Service can be another person's Degradation of Service.
That's what could be. As it stands, the Internet treats all bits alike. When a packet arrives at a router, it gets sent along regardless of what type of data it encodes. In fact, there's no way to tell what type of data it's carrying. Medical X-Ray Bits are moved just as quickly as Pamela Anderson Bits. And it doesn't matter what order the packets arrive in: if the packets encoding Pam's eyes show up after the ones encoding her painted toenails (assuming that it's a photo of her vertical and rightside up), they will be put into the right order by the machine receiving them.
But many of the companies who are using the Internet as a transport for telephone calls say that their bits are different. If you're reciting the Pledge of Allegiance over the phone (soon to be a requirement, by the way), if the "to the flag" " bits arrive after the "under God," your message will be unintelligible. Therefore, telephone bits deserve special treatment. Or so the argument goes.
Some very serious people disagree. Their arguments are of three types.
First, QoS is impractical. There are indeed bits in IP packets designed to indicate "type of service," but no one uses them. There's not even agreement how to interpret them, much less how to rank them. More important, the Internet routers would have to be set to act on thost bits which would require a massive retooling of the Net's "operating system."
Second, QoS is the wrong solution. According to this line of thought, QoS is only required if there's a scarcity of bits available. It'd be far better to solve the QoS issue by opening up the sluices of connectivity: light up the "dark" (unused) fiber, open up the spectrum for public access, install more powerful routers, get with the IPv6 program. With sufficient bits and sufficient throughput, voice packets will arrive in time without having to always arrive first.
Third. QoS violates the principle of the Internet's architecture. The Net has succeeded precisely because it does nothing but move bits from A to B. This is the " End-to-End" theory described by Saltzer, Reed and Clark and the "Stupid Network" as described by Isenberg. Part of the simplicity that keeps the Internet humming is the fact that it treats all bits alike. Further, the fact that the Internet is not optimized for any particular applications means that it is optimized for innovation; "tune" the Internet for the VIP du jour and you will de-tune it for other applications. Let the telphone guys and gals change the way the Net works so that it's better for voice and then tomorrow change it so that it works better for broadcasting TV shows, and soon the other types of bits we care about will have trouble getting through the line at the check-out counter.
So, even though in theory, we could provide QoS in the short term and open up connectivity in the longer term, doing so would mean obfuscating the true strength of the Internet: It's no Strom Thurmond when it comes to bits.
Resources
Glenn Fleishman just published a helpful weblog entry on the topic.
Lawrence Lessig just posted a terrific article to Dave Farber's mailing list, as did Karl Auerbach and Bob Frankston.
David Isenberg's newsletter in 1999 ran a clear explanation of the issues. The article is based in part on research by Andrew Odlyzko; there's a long interview with Odlyzko here.
This column resulted from my participating in (well, auditing) an email thread among Glenn Fleishman, Bob Frankston and David Reed. Obviously, they are not responsible for my stupidity, carelessness and poor personal hygiene.